Permanently increasing German government spending by one percentage point of GDP would raise output in Ireland and Greece by just 0.1%.
By AMIT KARA
—Mr. Kara is economist for the U.K. at UBS.
Fuente: THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
By AMIT KARA
The euro-zone economy is stagnating, and many argue
that Germany is partly to blame. German households and corporations tend
to save, and the country runs a large and persistent current-account
surplus. That implies a deficit in other euro-zone countries.
Many have argued that a reversal of Germany's current-account surplus
is a prerequisite for sustainable economic growth in the euro area. But
a unilateral adjustment along these lines would be unlikely due to
domestic resistance within Germany. It would also be harmful to the
economic prospects of the entire euro area.
Germany is the bulwark of the European monetary union. Not only is
its economy the largest in Europe, but it has navigated the crisis
better than any major European economy. Without its strength, the
single-currency experiment would probably have already collapsed under
the weight of its contradictions.
Many international policy makers also believe that Germany could
provide the euro zone with the resources to fix its own troubles. For
them, the solution requires a unilateral German domestic demand boost
and an erosion of its current-account surplus. Unless that happens, they
see little scope for multilateral assistance.
Getty Images
Chancellor Angela Merkel (left) and
Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble
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But that analysis is too simplistic. Germany's current-account
surplus can be eroded if domestic demand grows faster than the external
demand for its products and services. This can occur if the German
government spends more, or if its private sector—households or
corporations—saves less.
Both options would be more costly than
is usually presumed. Germany runs a small and manageable fiscal deficit
of just 1%, but the stock of government debt is high at 80% of GDP. And
with a potential GDP growth rate of just 1%, any initiative that raises
the debt level of Europe's strongest economy may well bring into
question the sustainability of both its own debt and that of the entire
euro zone. Put differently, Germany does not boast the fiscal strength
that many assume.
Even if Germany manages to increase domestic demand, there is no
guarantee that the additional spending will find its way into the
peripheral euro-zone economies. A simple macroeconomic simulation
suggests that a permanent increase in German government consumption
equivalent to one percentage point of GDP would raise output in Ireland
and Greece by 0.1% at most, and in larger countries, such as Spain and
Italy, by much less than that.
That should come as no surprise. After all, exports to Germany
account for just 2.5% of the combined GDP of Italy, Ireland, Portugal,
Spain and Greece. In order to make a difference, Germany would therefore
have to embark on a fiscal expansion that is too big even for the
largest economy in Europe.
What about households and companies? German household saving is
relatively high at 11%, in theory providing some scope for additional
private spending. Here, too, however, there are difficulties. Designing a
fiscally neutral set of measures that encouraged spending would be
challenging because German households have, on average, less net wealth
than their counterparts in France or Italy.
There is also the possibility of faster wage growth in Germany, which
would undoubtedly help stimulate consumption. But only a small portion
of that additional spending would be directed toward the troubled
countries. And Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble, while acknowledging
the likelihood of more rapid German wage growth, also warned that the
economy should not lose its focus on competitiveness, implying that
there is a limit to how much wage growth German authorities will
tolerate.
What if German corporations spent more? That would help, but it is
not clear how the German government can help channel that spending to
the peripheral economies. Investment decisions are influenced far more
by the cost of capital, demand prospects and structural reforms in the
troubled economies than they are by German government policy.
All in all, an expansion in German domestic demand would have, at
best, a marginal impact on the economic growth prospects of the
periphery. At worst, there is even a risk that markets would start to
question the debt sustainability of the German sovereign if domestic
demand were stimulated by government spending or lower taxes.
It is worth noting that such an injection of funds does not obviate
the need for the troubled economies to make the painful structural
adjustments that are necessary to become more competitive. At best, it
would help ease the pain of that adjustment. The other likely
alternative is for the euro to depreciate, perhaps by enough to help
lift the troubled economies, but in this case the German current account
surplus will expand further and Germany will have to suffer much higher
inflation.
Germany and the euro area would be better off pursuing a multilateral
effort that involves other fiscally strong countries inside and outside
Europe to create a structural fund targeted toward the troubled
economies.
A multilateral rescue plan obviously comes with costs, and for that
reason it will be resisted. But until that resistance is lifted,
questions about the viability of the single-currency project will
remain.
Fuente: THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
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